Why does communist china work

Really well presented, yes it was somewhat of a challenge in getting my head around some of the difference approaches. Certainly a must for any MP or political activist. This course was simply perfect. I thoroughly enjoyed the content I learned throughout the course, as well as its structure i. Overall expanded my knowledge in a field I have a high interest in, and would highly recommend this course.

It provided me with great insights about Politcal Economy. I think some specific topics such as unemployment and inflation can be discussed further more.

I hope more courses about macroeconomics can be set up in the future. Category: FutureLearn Local. Category: FutureLearn Local , Learning. We offer a diverse selection of courses from leading universities and cultural institutions from around the world. These are delivered one step at a time, and are accessible on mobile, tablet and desktop, so you can fit learning around your life.

You can unlock new opportunities with unlimited access to hundreds of online short courses for a year by subscribing to our Unlimited package. Build your knowledge with top universities and organisations. Learn more about how FutureLearn is transforming access to education. Learn more about this course. Is China a Capitalist or Communist Country? In this article, Sir Vince Cable describes the ways in which China is both capitalist and also communist as well as the economic challenges it faces.

Share this post. Excellent course 01 Jul, Visit the course. I have only a rudimentary background understanding of economics so many of the concepts in this course were new to me, but the teachers and supplementary materials were more than Really Good Course 30 Jun, Fascinating course with Sir Vinc Each section of the Interviews will be conducted with eight friends and family to verify the applicant is ideologically pure.

At this stage, they are allowed to officially apply — but the process is not over. Quarterly interviews track their progress during a year-long trial membership before they are admitted finally. More than 90 million Party members have gone through this process. That is more than the number of Republicans and Democrats combined.

Up to 80 per cent of CCP applicants are rejected and have to reapply. At the same time, the number of members with a university education has risen from just over a third to half. Businesspeople were not allowed to join the Party until but the shift to more university-educated members has been tied with a drive into the private sector. Of the If you act upon the rules and recreate them on a daily basis, they are going to stay.

The Party very much focuses on unity and cohesion, says Adam Ni from the China Policy Centre, an independent, non-profit research organisation based in Canberra. Out of that political power come economic opportunities and access to political, business and academic networks.

In the private sector, Party cells can vary from zealous internal workplace surveillance units to hour-long, tick-box discussions on socialism with Chinese characteristics before everyone knocks off for drinks. Ryan Manuel, a former director of policy research at the University of Hong Kong and Australian government adviser who now runs the Official China research firm, says this achieves two things.

The second is ensuring that the Party has a voice in all private enterprises and continues to encourage large state-owned enterprises. Historian Xiao Gongqin recalled in an essay published in how China had learned its lessons from the fall of the Soviet Union, which had undermined its state power by decentralising its economy. Abandoning the leadership of the Communist Party is actually detrimental to the political stability required for economic development.

Above the 92 million members are five key bodies. The alternate members are a feeder club for the Central Committee: members can be voted into full committee status if full members retire or are expelled. The committee itself meets formally once a year to discuss policy and it oversees various executive national political bodies.

The committee also, in theory, elects the next level of authority, the Politburo, but in reality these positions are decided by powerbrokers behind closed doors. The 25 members of the Politburo are a mixture of representatives from the Central Military Commission, ministers for development and reform, regional leaders and discipline chiefs.

Within the Politburo, the seven-member standing committee is the key decision-making body. Above all of them is Xi. That centralisation is now becoming much more top-heavy under Xi, reaching right down to the village level. There are up to a million villages across China. But since , the party has forced villages to report on how finances are being spent each year.

This allows the party to make sure townships are using revenue to meet targets from above. Many of them still have coal-fired power plants being built and some will be threatened with not meeting new Party standards if they do not mothball them. Xi talks with villagers at a black fungus greenhouse in Shangluo City, during an inspection tour of the northwest Shaanxi Province in April Yet it has achieved what many others could not: half a century of continuous economic growth.

Manuel says Xi has taken powers from local leaders and executive bodies and given them to the legislatures and internal inspectors in a sort of top-down populism that forces people to follow his orders more strictly. The outcomes can be good for policies that are likely to deliver positive outcomes, such as emissions targets, but brutal for others, such as the repression of the Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang or the crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.

So, basically, they can do whatever they want. Senior party officials are in attendance at a learning session on the history of the Party in Beijing in June There are different linguistic connotations. Moreover, China has done this while consciously flouting advice from the West, using the market without being seduced by its every little charm.

For years, foreign bankers trekked to Beijing to sell the gospel of financial liberalization, telling Chinese officials to float their currency and open their capital account. But look closer at the China model, and it is clear that it is not so easily replicated. Yes it can.

Or at least for the foreseeable future. There are some obvious reasons why. But all were effectively U. Japan and South Korea are also smaller and more homogeneous societies, lacking the vast continental reach of China and its multitude of clashing nationalities and ethnic groups. And needless to say, none underwent a communist revolution whose founding principle was driving foreign imperialists out of the country. Over the last three decades, the party has enacted a broad array of economic reforms, even as it has clamped down hard on dissent.

The freedom to consume — be it in the form of cars, real estate, or well-stocked supermarkets — is much more attractive than vague notions of democracy, especially when individuals pushing for political reform could lose their livelihoods and even their freedom. The cost of opposing the party is prohibitively high. All this is why some analysts see splits within the party as a more likely vehicle for political change.

But highlighting these differences can obscure the larger reality. Since , when the party split at the top and almost came asunder, the cardinal rule has been no public divisions in the Politburo. Today, top-level cooperation is as much the norm as debilitating factional competition. Xi Jinping, the heir apparent, is set to take over at the next party congress in For the Chinese, the United States looks increasingly like a banana republic by comparison.

The idea that China would one day become a democracy was always a Western notion, born of our theories about how political systems evolve. Yet all evidence so far suggests these theories are wrong. Now that all the major U. Shusha was the key to the recent war between Azerbaijan and Armenia.